Patriotic Mobilisation in Russia
The Kremlin is fostering a culture of military-tinged patriotism, partly to rally support for armed interventions abroad. The sentiment springs from pride in Russia’s past as a global power and desire to reclaim that status. Its possible co-optation by far-right nationalists, however, should worry Moscow.
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RUSSIA/NORTH CAUCASUS
What’s new? In recent years, the Kremlin has pursued a policy of patriotic mobilisation – encouraging national pride, commemorating past military victories and promoting a vision of Russia as a reborn global power. While hardly unique to Russia, this project is notable for its scale and its connection to Russia’s newly assertive foreign policy.
Why does it matter? For President Vladimir Putin, patriotic mobilisation is a means of shoring up his rule and building popular support for military interventions in Russia’s near and far abroad. It can escape the Kremlin’s control, however, notably with far-right movements that turn love of country into ethnic chauvinism and perpetrate violence.
What should be done? Rising patriotic sentiment – like assertiveness abroad – is likely a feature of Russian politics today. Western countries should endeavour to understand its roots in post-Cold War grievances and engage the full spectrum of Russian society. The Kremlin should stop accommodating far-right nationalist groups lest they push Russian policy in dangerous directions.
Executive Summary
Since the early 2000s, Russia has witnessed a rebirth of patriotic mobilisation. This revival is not spontaneous: it is underpinned by a concerted state effort to instil patriotic values, celebrate Russia’s military past and promote Moscow’s recrudescence as a global power. Though not without its critics inside Russia, this mobilisation appears to have helped build support among ordinary citizens for Moscow’s more assertive foreign policy, including its increasingly bitter standoff with the West and interventions in countries of the former Soviet space as well as further afield. Such sentiment likely helped mobilise Russian volunteers to fight alongside Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. At home, it appears to have had dangerous side effects, reinforcing ultra-nationalist sentiment and stirring up violent far-right groups. President Vladimir Putin, entering his fourth term, should seek to rein in both.
Rising patriotism is a feature of burgeoning populist movements across the globe; in that sense, there is nothing particularly Russian about the phenomenon. Likewise, state-sponsored celebration of the military is common, including in several Western countries and in Russia’s immediate periphery. Finally, in Russia as elsewhere, there is no monopoly on the concept of patriotism, and citizens at times express the sentiment in ways that sit uneasily with the officially sanctioned version. This tug of war plays out as a battle over historical memory and Russia’s identity and place in the world. The result is a divide between those the state recognises as patriots and those it does not.
Still, the Russian government’s determined efforts to foster a sense of patriotism, coupled with the scale and ambition of those efforts, are worthy of note. The state has marshalled schools, civil society groups and the Orthodox Church, among others, in its efforts to inculcate such values. Federal funding is available to an array of groups, including veterans’ organisations, to help the state advance its national pride project. While successive patriotic mobilisation drives over the past eighteen years have largely shared the same aspirations, their focus has evolved, with increasing emphasis placed on military activities and pride in Russia’s armed forces. Young people routinely engage in re-enactments of battles or enrol in military-style training.
State-directed efforts to instil patriotic sentiment come as Russia is increasingly assertive abroad, involved in military interventions near and far.
Understanding the roots of Russia’s patriotic mobilisation is important. It developed partly in response to Moscow’s perception that following the end of the Cold War, the West humiliated Russia by encroaching upon its sphere of influence and demanding that it conform to a Western vision of global security. Mounting patriotic sentiment helps shape Russians’ perceptions not only of the outside world, but also of the Kremlin’s foreign policy. Pride in Russia’s role in the defeat of Nazism during World War II has influenced the perception of the conflicts in which Moscow is engaged today, notably that in eastern Ukraine, and led to portrayals of those conflicts as continuations of a long Russian tradition of confronting fascism.
Indeed, state-directed efforts to instil patriotic sentiment come as Russia is increasingly assertive abroad, involved in military interventions in theatres near (Ukraine) and far (Syria). While the extent to which patriotic drives enable these interventions is open to debate, growing patriotism does appear to lower the costs at home of the Kremlin’s foreign military entanglements. Veterans’ and other organisations involved in promoting patriotism in Russia have helped mobilise volunteers to fight in eastern Ukraine; the Kremlin’s portrayals of the Western-backed government in Kyiv as a Nazi-like junta also appear to have helped motivate those signing up. Rising patriotic sentiment may also have helped neutralise or offset – at least temporarily – the political impact of coercive international measures such as sanctions.
Western powers can do little to reverse this trend. But they should continue to engage with as wide a sector of Russian society as possible, whether through cultural, educational or scientific exchanges. They also might seek to factor mounting patriotic sentiment into their policymaking, understand the deep sense of grievance from which it springs and attempt to communicate as best possible the objectives of policies like sanctions, even if such policies are likely to be misinterpreted no matter how well explained.
Swelling patriotic feeling might have implications beyond Russia’s foreign policy. Patriotism tends to reinforce national cohesion, albeit often in the face of a common enemy. But nationalism, its ideological appendage, which is also on the rise, in part thanks to the Kremlin’s patriotic drives and indulgence of far-right groups, could do precisely the opposite, creating social divides that would threaten Russia’s ethnically diverse federation. The rise of nationalist movements opposed to the Kremlin, as well as violence by ethno-nationalist groups, suggest the government risks creating a phenomenon that will escape its control. As President Putin embarks on his fourth term in office, he ought to corral those forces lest growing nationalist pressure circumscribe the government’s own policy options and even nudge the Kremlin in a more dangerous direction, whether at home or abroad.
Moscow/Brussels, 4 July 2018
The Kremlin is fostering a culture of military-tinged patriotism, partly to rally support for armed interventions abroad. The sentiment springs from pride in Russia’s past as a global power and desire to reclaim that status. Its possible co-optation by far-right nationalists, however, should worry Moscow.
Related Tags
RUSSIA/NORTH CAUCASUS
What’s new? In recent years, the Kremlin has pursued a policy of patriotic mobilisation – encouraging national pride, commemorating past military victories and promoting a vision of Russia as a reborn global power. While hardly unique to Russia, this project is notable for its scale and its connection to Russia’s newly assertive foreign policy.
Why does it matter? For President Vladimir Putin, patriotic mobilisation is a means of shoring up his rule and building popular support for military interventions in Russia’s near and far abroad. It can escape the Kremlin’s control, however, notably with far-right movements that turn love of country into ethnic chauvinism and perpetrate violence.
What should be done? Rising patriotic sentiment – like assertiveness abroad – is likely a feature of Russian politics today. Western countries should endeavour to understand its roots in post-Cold War grievances and engage the full spectrum of Russian society. The Kremlin should stop accommodating far-right nationalist groups lest they push Russian policy in dangerous directions.
Executive Summary
Since the early 2000s, Russia has witnessed a rebirth of patriotic mobilisation. This revival is not spontaneous: it is underpinned by a concerted state effort to instil patriotic values, celebrate Russia’s military past and promote Moscow’s recrudescence as a global power. Though not without its critics inside Russia, this mobilisation appears to have helped build support among ordinary citizens for Moscow’s more assertive foreign policy, including its increasingly bitter standoff with the West and interventions in countries of the former Soviet space as well as further afield. Such sentiment likely helped mobilise Russian volunteers to fight alongside Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. At home, it appears to have had dangerous side effects, reinforcing ultra-nationalist sentiment and stirring up violent far-right groups. President Vladimir Putin, entering his fourth term, should seek to rein in both.
Rising patriotism is a feature of burgeoning populist movements across the globe; in that sense, there is nothing particularly Russian about the phenomenon. Likewise, state-sponsored celebration of the military is common, including in several Western countries and in Russia’s immediate periphery. Finally, in Russia as elsewhere, there is no monopoly on the concept of patriotism, and citizens at times express the sentiment in ways that sit uneasily with the officially sanctioned version. This tug of war plays out as a battle over historical memory and Russia’s identity and place in the world. The result is a divide between those the state recognises as patriots and those it does not.
Still, the Russian government’s determined efforts to foster a sense of patriotism, coupled with the scale and ambition of those efforts, are worthy of note. The state has marshalled schools, civil society groups and the Orthodox Church, among others, in its efforts to inculcate such values. Federal funding is available to an array of groups, including veterans’ organisations, to help the state advance its national pride project. While successive patriotic mobilisation drives over the past eighteen years have largely shared the same aspirations, their focus has evolved, with increasing emphasis placed on military activities and pride in Russia’s armed forces. Young people routinely engage in re-enactments of battles or enrol in military-style training.
State-directed efforts to instil patriotic sentiment come as Russia is increasingly assertive abroad, involved in military interventions near and far.
Understanding the roots of Russia’s patriotic mobilisation is important. It developed partly in response to Moscow’s perception that following the end of the Cold War, the West humiliated Russia by encroaching upon its sphere of influence and demanding that it conform to a Western vision of global security. Mounting patriotic sentiment helps shape Russians’ perceptions not only of the outside world, but also of the Kremlin’s foreign policy. Pride in Russia’s role in the defeat of Nazism during World War II has influenced the perception of the conflicts in which Moscow is engaged today, notably that in eastern Ukraine, and led to portrayals of those conflicts as continuations of a long Russian tradition of confronting fascism.
Indeed, state-directed efforts to instil patriotic sentiment come as Russia is increasingly assertive abroad, involved in military interventions in theatres near (Ukraine) and far (Syria). While the extent to which patriotic drives enable these interventions is open to debate, growing patriotism does appear to lower the costs at home of the Kremlin’s foreign military entanglements. Veterans’ and other organisations involved in promoting patriotism in Russia have helped mobilise volunteers to fight in eastern Ukraine; the Kremlin’s portrayals of the Western-backed government in Kyiv as a Nazi-like junta also appear to have helped motivate those signing up. Rising patriotic sentiment may also have helped neutralise or offset – at least temporarily – the political impact of coercive international measures such as sanctions.
Western powers can do little to reverse this trend. But they should continue to engage with as wide a sector of Russian society as possible, whether through cultural, educational or scientific exchanges. They also might seek to factor mounting patriotic sentiment into their policymaking, understand the deep sense of grievance from which it springs and attempt to communicate as best possible the objectives of policies like sanctions, even if such policies are likely to be misinterpreted no matter how well explained.
Swelling patriotic feeling might have implications beyond Russia’s foreign policy. Patriotism tends to reinforce national cohesion, albeit often in the face of a common enemy. But nationalism, its ideological appendage, which is also on the rise, in part thanks to the Kremlin’s patriotic drives and indulgence of far-right groups, could do precisely the opposite, creating social divides that would threaten Russia’s ethnically diverse federation. The rise of nationalist movements opposed to the Kremlin, as well as violence by ethno-nationalist groups, suggest the government risks creating a phenomenon that will escape its control. As President Putin embarks on his fourth term in office, he ought to corral those forces lest growing nationalist pressure circumscribe the government’s own policy options and even nudge the Kremlin in a more dangerous direction, whether at home or abroad.
Moscow/Brussels, 4 July 2018
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https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/russianorth-caucasus/251-patriotic-mobilisation-russia
www.fotavgeia.blogspot.comhttps://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/russianorth-caucasus/251-patriotic-mobilisation-russia
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